Last updated: May 30th, 2012
There is something
deeply unsettling about the disclosure in The New York Times that America has developed a
clinical, dispassionate procedure for selecting the targets of drone strikes in
Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia.
Every week or so,
about 100 national security officials gather by video conference to pore over
the photographs and biographies of al-Qaeda terrorists. They decide who should
be spared and who should be marked for death.
Those “nominated” for
assassination (yes, “nominated” is apparently the official word) are placed on
a “kill list” that passes directly to Barack Obama.
He then exercises the
judgment of Solomon, going through the list name by name and deciding who will
die. The CIA’s drones are then programmed to dispatch the President’s chosen
targets.
The aim is to keep
the drones on a “tight leash”, to use Obama’s phrase, and ensure that killings
only happen with the strictest oversight.
This procedure has
been revealed presumably because the White House wants to reassure us that
drones are not dealing death from the skies at random. The fact that it is all
so methodical is supposed to be a virtue. Nonetheless, the idea that a formal
process has developed at all is grounds for deep discomfort.
I have a minor
personal connection with this argument. Back in 2002 – 03, I happened to
interview three senior figures in Hamas, all of whom were later assassinated by
Israeli missile strikes.
Within months of my
meeting Abdel-Aziz Rantissi, Ismail Abu Shanab and Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, each
had fallen victim to carefully targeted, clinical operations of the kind that
Obama now approves week by week.
But things were
different then. Whenever Israel
assassinated a Hamas leader, the world would voice its outrage. Pretty much
every country – including America
– would issue a statement of condemnation. The US would say that it disapproved of
extra-judicial killings. Meanwhile, Britain would get quite worked up.
I remember Jack
Straw, then Foreign Secretary, expressing great indignation when Rantissi was
dispatched by an Israeli missile within weeks of succeeding Yassin as Hamas
leader in 2004.
The fact that
targeted assassinations are now happening on a far wider scale – with a
fraction of the protest – shows how much the world has changed.
There is no doubt
that drones have become the single most effective counter-terrorism weapon in
the US
arsenal. Few doubt that al-Qaeda has been crippled by the systematic
elimination of its core leadership. Obama can credibly argue that lives have duly
been saved.
But in his inaugural
address back in January 2009, he also said: “We reject as false the choice
between our safety and our ideals.” The fact that he now pores over death lists
shows the utter fatuity of that statement. The tension between safety and
idealism, between liberty and security, is ever-present and unavoidable. As of
today, Obama’s point on that spectrum is to believe that he can take upon
himself the right to decide who lives and who dies.
His defence will be
that he deals death in the cause of saving lives. The drones have doubtless
averted terrorist attacks; many people are alive today only because they
happened.
When I was a student,
the first philosophical question I was set was the proposition that the
greatest happiness of the greatest number should always prevail. I read about
how this crude utilitarian calculation was morally indefensible in the modern
world because it inevitably entailed the end justifying the means. It seems we
are all utilitarians now.
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